1900-03-17 to the Editor of the United Irishman
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1900-03-17 to the Editor of the United Irishman
Printed letter signed, United Irishman (17 March 1900, page 5), 1,633 words
[Edited for paragraph breaks, capitalization, spelling and punctuation.]
Sir,
The daily paper of March 8th, 1900, informs me that the Queen intends to visit Ireland early next month. I learn, too, from the paper that it was in ‘49 that she first visited Ireland, and the paper says it is curious to recall that “in those days, as in these, we had reason for trouble about matters of State.” I learn, too, from the paper that the shamrock, the wearing of which has hitherto been a punishable offence in the army, is now to be worn in all ranks on St. Patrick’s Day in her Majesty’s Irish regiments. I learn, too, from the paper that, in order to place Ireland on a military equality with England and Scotland, her Majesty is pleased to consider the adviseability of creating a new regiment to be called “The Irish Guards”; and another page of the same paper gives an analysis of Buller’s losses.
The following is a summary of the above list of losses in Natal among General Buller’s forces between Feb. 16 and 27. The initial letters represent killed, wounded, and missing: —
K. | W. | M. | |
1st Battalion Royal Irish Fusiliers | 49 | 167 | 22 |
1st Battalion Connaught Rangers | 19 | 105 | 8 |
2nd Battalion Royal Scots Fusiliers | 17 | 68 | — |
2nd Battalion Royal Dublin Fusiliers | 14 | 98 | 18 |
2nd Battalion Royal Irish Fusiliers | 11 | 63 | 2 |
Rifle Brigade | 3 | 32 | 3 |
King’s Royal Rifles | 1 | 27 | — |
2nd Middlesex | — | 1 | — |
2nd Somerset L.I. | — | 1 | — |
Cape Mounted Rifles | — | 1 | — |
2nd Battalion Royal Fusiliers | — | 9 | — |
2nd Battalion Welsh Fusiliers | 1 | 8 | 1 |
1st Manchester Regiment | — | 1 | — |
This list, which is typical of all the lists of killed and wounded which have been published since the beginning of the war, seems to show that the English soldier is less prone to risk his life on the battlefield than the Irish and Scotch soldier, and tales from the Indian Border point even more directly to an inequality in the bravery of Saxon and Celtic troops.
But the Celtic troops have been decimated by Boer bullets, and the places of the dead men have been filled. England’s present need is great, never was England’s need so great as now, and in her great need she turns to Ireland, and it is from Ireland she hopes to get soldiers to defend and extend her commercial Empire.
But the Irish people are not in sympathy with the materialistic idea which England is forcibly imposing upon Europe; and, with the rest of Europe, Ireland views with terror the coming of the new Vandal age now to begin, when the “English flag shall be the most valuable commercial asset in the world,” and all Art and Literature shall be blotted out.
Man's inveterate desire of beauty is rising up everywhere in Europe against England. In Ireland the leaders of the extreme Nationalists have advised the people against enlisting in so profane a cause, and enlistment has greatly declined, if it has not practically ceased in Ireland. Yet we hear of the creation of a new regiment to be called the Irish Guards! And we hear that an order has been issued commanding that the Shamrock shall be worn on St. Patrick’s Day by all ranks in her Majesty’s regiment! And at the same moment we hear of her Majesty’s intention to visit Ireland after an absence of fifty years.
In the face of such circumstances as these it seems strange that Mr. Redmond should have plighted the national party to receive the Queen with "chivalrous hospitality.” It seems to me that if we consider the military circumstances of the moment, that he speaks of the reception we should give the Queen in somewhat exaggerated terms.
That England’s aged and venerable Queen will be received with politeness even by the Fenian party goes without saying — Irishmen have been noted as much for their chivalry to women as for their bravery in battle; but it seems to me that a chill politeness is the extent of our obligation to the Queen, unless we decide to forget that the English nation still refuses us the rights of Government, and is still resolved to maintain a fraudulent taxation and many unjust laws. At some other moment the chivalry of our race might enable us to remember the admirable woman behind the Queen of an alien race which has oppressed and pillaged us, and which still oppresses and pillages us, and which still refuses us rights which it dares not refuse to any of its Colonies.
But the reason of the Queen’s visit is manifest. If it were slightly disguised we might be tempted to forget many things — things which it would be treason to forget for a moment, but the reason of the Queen’s visit is clearly political; she comes to do the business which her recruiting sergeants have failed to do; she comes with the “shilling” between her forefinger and thumb and a bag of shillings at her girdle.
It will be contended that no such intention inspired her visit — maybe, but that is not our affair. Certain it is that if our leaders do not intervene the result will be disastrous to the national cause. The wearing of the shamrock, the creation of a regiment of guards, above all the presence of the Queen in Ireland are undoubtedly bribes to Ireland to abandon the National for the Imperialistic idea. “Whenever Ireland is united behind any man or any idea England comes with her hands full of bribes.”
The command that the Irish regiments shall wear the shamrock on St. Patrick’s Day is so extraordinary an impertinence that those who advised the Queen to issue such an order cannot know that the shamrock is an emblem which can only be worn by Irishmen who believe that Ireland is a nation with a special destiny to fulfill. We are proud that the Irish soldier faced death with less fear than did the English soldier, but we have no voices to cheer our few countrymen who will return from fighting to bring into bondage like ours — a race as valiant as ours.
Not indeed that such extreme measures of bondage are thought necessary for the Boers. My daily paper says: — “It is not proposed to govern the Transvaal as we govern Ireland: we shall grant it some measure of self-government as we grant to our Colonies.” And this in the same number of the paper that announces the Sovereign’s visit to Ireland!
But to come to the point. England is plighted to the Imperial idea, it has become her destiny as it became Napoleon’s after Austerlitz. There can be no turning back now. “Come what may” has become England’s motto: and to carry on this idea to the world’s end, soldiers are England’s need as they were Napoleon’s. She needs soldiers to fill up the gaps that Boer bullets have made in Irish regiments. She is about to conquer the Transvaal, and will need an army of at least 50,000 men to hold it. The cry is — Soldiers, more soldiers. But the English soldier is degenerate, the lean hound hunts better than the fat; and the man who runs England’s ridiculous Empire has sent the Queen to Ireland to recruit. The recruiting sergeant’s mission is not in accordance with the Queen’s aim, nor her desire, but she is possessed of such high sense of sovereign duty that she bent herself to the State’s emergency.
We shall know in Ireland how to honour the fortitude of this woman without becoming the dupes of our admiration. The Boer War and the need of Irish soldiers have given us an advantage in the game we are playing against England! Shall we be quick to seize it? Parliamentary representation at Westminster has failed to obtain self-government from England — but if every Irish lad will foreswear the Queen’s shilling, and if every Irish leader and every Irish national organization will own anti-enlistment a part of Irish propaganda, we shall begin to dig in the clay out of which the feet of the Colossus are made. Our time is surely now, and no shilling shall be found missing from the bag which hangs at the Queen’s girdle. When England realises that the price of Irish soldiers is National government in College Green the price will be paid. By chill politeness we shall make this clear to her Majesty; the time is one for chill politeness, not for “chivalrous hospitality.” There will be time enough for that when the purloined millions have been returned and our Parliament restored.
For the carrying out of this scheme of chill politeness others will be able to supply the details better than I. I have but one suggestion to offer. Turning again to my daily paper, I learn that “when the Queen landed at the Cove of Cork the inhabitants with one voice invited her to change its name to Queenstown.” It seems to me it would be well if the inhabitants would now summon a meeting, and decide with one voice to change the name of their harbour to whatever was its original Gaelic name. And it would be still more to the point if the Kingstown Corporation would quickly decide to bring back the old name Dun Leary, which commemorated the name of an Irish king, and which was changed in 1819 to commemorate the name of an English king of whom everyone is ashamed. If this be done the first thing that will meet the Queen’s eye will be a significant sign of national resolve to separate ourselves from English influence.
I am, dear sir, yours faithfully,
GEORGE MOORE.
Source: Curated by George Moore Interactive LLC (georgemooreinteractive.org) — Shared for research, educational, and personal use.